Six years after Haacaaluu Hundeessaa was silenced, the political landscape he left behind has become, in the eyes of many, a spectacle of political inversion. Events that would likely make Haacaaluu turn in his grave continue to unfold, as symbols, institutions, and aspirations associated with Oromo self-determination appear increasingly at odds with contemporary political realities.
Fifty years after the 1976 OLF Political Program declared Oromo national self-determination through an independent democratic republic of Oromia as its fundamental objective, the Oromo national question remains unresolved. This reflection revisits the program’s historical force, psychological achievement, constitutional echoes in Article 39, and the strategic ambiguity that still shapes Oromo politics today.
The 2026 Ethiopian election was presented as a democratic exercise through which citizens would renew the mandate of their government. Yet when vast portions of the country remained outside normal electoral conditions and the outcome appeared predetermined long before voting day, the more fundamental question became unavoidable: can an election still be called an election when millions of citizens are effectively absent from the process?
As Ethiopia approaches the 2026 election, questions increasingly shift from who will win to whether meaningful electoral conditions exist at all. With large territories remaining outside normal voting conditions, state machinery openly intertwined with campaigning, and outcomes widely presumed in advance, the election raises deeper questions about democratic legitimacy and political ritual. In what some critics describe as the modern election of the wheat sheaf, the central issue is no longer competition among alternatives, but whether the process serves genuine choice, predetermined confirmation, or merely the optics of electoral continuity.
UN Secretary-General António Guterres’ recent remarks in Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) praising Ethiopia as an “old civilization” and celebrating its preserved independence were welcomed by many. Yet for historically marginalized nations and nationalities within Ethiopia, such diplomatic language may unintentionally reinforce contested state narratives. This article offers a respectful reflection on historical plurality, collective memory, and the responsibility of international institutions when speaking about complex multinational states.
The Oromo people have lost another elder. With the passing of W. Hundee Hurrisoo on 14 May 2026, we bid farewell to a man whose life journey mirrored many chapters of modern Oromo history itself: shepherd boy, teacher, student activist, journalist, prisoner of conscience, political leader, exile, mediator, author, and elder. He belonged to that...
Regression Preference Syndrome is proposed as a political-psychological framework explaining Ethiopia's recurring tendency to favor historical rollback over incremental democratic progress. Using contemporary examples from autocratic rule, internal wars, unresolved national questions, maritime access discourse, and hard-power politics, the article argues that regression often appears psychologically easier than reform. It calls for Ethiopia to reject destructive coercive approaches, embrace soft power and negotiated settlements, and pursue gradual democratic progress instead of disruptive retrogressive steps that risk repeating historical cycles.
Article 39 of the Ethiopian Constitution is often portrayed as a threat to national unity, but its deeper purpose is widely misunderstood. Far from encouraging separation, Article 39 functions as a constitutional safety valve that guarantees coexistence by consent rather than coercion. This article explores why the demand to remove Article 39 alarms many nations and peoples, the political psychology behind self-determination, and how abolishing constitutional guarantees could unintentionally weaken the very unity its opponents claim to defend.
It is heartbreaking to hear of the unexpected and sudden death of Obbo Zegeye Asfaw Abdi. Losing such an elder brother and friend, whose advice was always invaluable, is difficult to bear. Before I personally met him in 1976, I had already heard about his role as a key leading figure whose name resonated far...
Zegeye Asfaw Abdii (1941-2026): A Life of Principle, Humility, and Service to Humanity
From conquest and slavery to modern conflict and insecurity, this article explores how historical violence continues to shape Oromia across generations socially, psychologically, and potentially biologically. Drawing on trauma studies, epigenetics, post-conflict research, and anti-colonial thought, it argues that lasting peace requires more than political change. Recognition, justice, cultural restoration, reconciliation, and healing are essential to breaking cycles of trauma and building a more stable and humane future.
In this compelling personal note, an Oromo Elder speaks out on the spread of organized criminal groups and the collapse of moral order in Oromia. From Ambo to Finfinnee, from Adama to Shashamane and beyond, his words capture a painful reality: citizens are left defenseless as those in power enable injustice. The Oromo Elder urges prayer, action, and collective awakening to confront this dark moment before it defines the future.
“Menelik Syndrome” captures a recurring pattern in Ethiopia’s political imagination: the selective revival of an idealized imperial past as a solution to present crises. Framed around the legacy of Menelik II, it elevates symbols of unity, strength, and state consolidation while downplaying the coercive foundations on which that unity was built. In contemporary discourse, this manifests in calls to “restore Ethiopia’s past glory”—a narrative that resonates emotionally but risks reopening unresolved historical contradictions. As a political lens, Menelik Syndrome helps explain how nostalgia, when filtered through power, can shape national identity, influence policy direction, and—paradoxically—intensify fragmentation rather than resolve it.
This op-ed explores how mono perspective sociopolitical views shape both art and politics, often presenting particular experiences as universal truths and thereby constraining meaningful dialogue. It argues that progress requires moving beyond such narrow vantage points—particularly among politicians, who are uniquely positioned to resolve complex sociopolitical issues. To do so, they must step outside mono perspective, engage competing realities with discipline, and adopt a genuinely multi-perspective approach capable of addressing long-standing tensions with clarity and fairness.
In just days, one song by Tewodros "Teddy Afro" Kassahun has ignited a firestorm—revealing not unity, but multiple Ethiopias speaking past each other. What appears as controversy is, in truth, a deeper collision of meanings shaped by power, history, identity, and memory. This article unpacks the layered messages behind the moment, exposing how one song became a prism through which a fractured empire sees itself.
“Cui Bono?”—who benefits? This article applies that question to Ethiopia’s recurring cycles of conflict, arguing that instability is not accidental but structurally embedded. By centering the Oromo experience, it shows how political, military, and economic elites—historically reproduced through entrenched advantage—derive disproportionate benefit, while the broader population bears the cost. Without confronting this imbalance and the unresolved Oromo question, durable peace and equitable development will remain elusive.
