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  1. Thank you to the Oromia Today editorial team for publishing an obituary that thoughtfully recounts the immense contributions of Professor Asmarom Legesse. He was a towering scholar whose work profoundly advanced Oromo studies and challenged Eurocentric interpretations of governance in Africa. His lifelong research on the Oromo Gadaa system has left an enduring intellectual legacy.

    1. Academic research should enlighten, not politicize or selectively frame history. While Professor Asmarom Legesse’s scholarly work on the Gadaa system is widely respected, this narrative stretches beyond academic analysis into identity construction and political interpretation that goes far beyond what empirical anthropology can legitimately claim.

      No social institution “creates a nation” in isolation, nor can complex, diverse peoples be reduced to a single governance model without oversimplification. Presenting Gadaa as a fully formed, egalitarian “democracy” equivalent to modern systems risks romanticizing the past and blurring the line between scholarship and advocacy.

      True research serves society by promoting balance, rigor, humility, and respect for historical complexity—not by advancing selective narratives that may deepen division rather than foster justice, mutual understanding, and a shared future.

      1. What this criticism ultimately demands is not better scholarship, but willful blindness.

        To argue that Professor Asmarom Legesse should not have researched the Gadaa system because it empowered Oromo self-recognition—and made others uncomfortable—is to say that knowledge is acceptable only when it preserves existing hierarchies. That is not an academic position; it is an ideological one.

        Professor Asmerom Legesse did not invent Oromo identity, nor did Gadaa suddenly “create a nation.” The Oromo existed long before Asmerom Legesse, and Gadaa existed long before modern Ethiopia. What his work did was something far more threatening to entrenched narratives: it made an indigenous political system visible, legible, and intellectually respectable in a scholarly world that had long ignored or dismissed it.

        Calling this “politicization” is disingenuous. All historical inquiry has political implications when it disrupts dominant myths. The problem here is not that Gadaa was studied, but that its study exposed the poverty of claims that centralized imperial systems were the sole carriers of civilization, order, or democracy.

        The charge of “romanticization” is also telling. Western political thought routinely celebrates Athenian democracy despite its exclusions, Roman law despite its brutality, and Enlightenment ideals despite their colonial entanglements. Yet when an African system is examined on its own terms—carefully, critically, and comparatively—it is suddenly accused of advocacy. That double standard speaks volumes.

        Most revealing is the anxiety beneath the argument: Oromo pride is framed as inherently divisive, while Amhara resentment is treated as a natural reaction. That inversion alone exposes the bias. Knowledge does not divide; unequal power over whose history counts does.

        To suggest that scholars should avoid illuminating indigenous institutions because the truth unsettles inherited privilege is to argue against scholarship itself. It is effectively saying: do not open your eyes, because you may discover dignity where we once claimed monopoly over it.

        That such thinking persists—even in the so-called Age of Knowledge—is indeed saddening. But it also explains why Asmarom Legesse’s work remains not only relevant, but indispensable.

        The Editor
        OROMIA TODAY

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